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Keywords: social media; political participation; digital activism; cyberspace and governance; online civic engagement

ABSTRACT - The evolution of African societies with the arrival of alternative media, notably social media, has been one of the driving forces behind change, bringing new forms of political engagement to the forefront. The wave of democratisation with the return to multi-party politics in the 1990s in several countries across the continent gave rise to new forms of protests and demands. Furthermore, the prodigious evolution of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) through the Internet has created a flat space as posited by Thomas Friedman, where actors, often protagonists, circulate without control and navigate according to their means (Friedman 2006). In this way, the Internet has rapidly grown since it entered the political sphere in the 1990s, establishing itself as an indispensable part of modern political communication. As Alix Desforges puts it, for the general public, cyberspace is synonymous with the Internet. However, in more operational terms, cyberspace refers to a theatre of operations or a strategic concept, used in military doctrines at the highest level of government and in international negotiations (Desforges 2014). Through its many tools, the Internet has emerged as a training ground for militant action. Referred to as the set of services that enable the development of social interactions online, or the establishment of a dialogue with a community, social media competes with traditional media such as print, television, and radio. Also known as "social networks," social media platforms such as Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, and YouTube are experiencing a notable resurgence, accentuating the emergence of a democratic debate in African societies.

In this regard, the rise of digital technology is indicative of the utilitarian nature of political engagement, which is evident in the dissemination of various political opinions, helping to reconstruct the democratic debate. Social networks are, therefore, new modes of communication, creating new forms of expression in the public sphere. As such, social networks, under certain circumstances, escape the restrictions on freedom of expression established by the governing order through legal or political means. In addition, these tools contribute to civic engagement (Mare 2020). In fact, the Internet penetration rate in Africa in 2023 was 41.3%, with almost 596.5 million Internet users (Kamdem 2023). This reflects a tangible increase in the deployment of digital platforms.

Mobilisation enabled by social media leads to increased interaction between citizens. New media have become a forum for exchange between citizens and political players, leading to increased political participation. Indeed, the new digital platforms have enabled direct access to a large volume of information and are revolutionising means of expression, reflecting the forms of citizenship that are emerging online. Some pressure groups use online advocacy to mobilise their members for an effective campaign. From this perspective, the Internet has facilitated new structures for “netroots” political associations (Karpf 2010). While it's true that digital platforms are particularly vulnerable to massive misinformation, the fact remains that information is a vital and a key element in mobilisation. This is all the more important as well-informed citizens will tend to engage more actively in the democratic process (Giasson et al. 2013). Thus, highlighting that a large volume of information from digital platforms increases political interest.

In Africa, social networks are often used as tools for denunciation. Modes of action involving surveillance, denunciation and judgment give a resounding echo to protest mobilisation slogans. African users of digital platforms are increasingly monitoring government activities, which all contributes to the legitimisation or "delegitimisation" of political elites. This configuration of social networks highlights countries' endogenous problems by exposing them. Instrumental variables allow us to identify a causal relationship between power and social media. This reflects the elites' utilitarian or instrumental approach to social networks. As political activism evolves, social participation emancipates, positioning itself as a new tool for democratisation.

Dr GEORGETTE ARIELLE DJOUFAN FOTSING is a distinguished scholar specialising in International Relations, Peace and Security, and Gender Studies, holding a Ph.D. from IRIC. Her extensive experience includes research at the International Crisis Group and lecturing at UCAC and IRIC. She currently contributes to the IGNITE project in Cameroon and researches the Cameroonian diaspora. Dr. Djoufan is skilled in conflict prevention, field research, and public relations, bridging the gaps between civil society, government, and international institutions. A prolific author and conference participant, she champions girls' and women's rights through active involvement in relevant associations and political organisations.

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Keywords: state-making, disinformation and disinformation, Central Sahel, nation-building, digital propaganda, information disorder and governance

ABSTRACT - Access to high-quality, plural and independent sources of information is essential for democratic and resilient societies. It enables citizen–state collaboration and citizen trust in state institutions and helps build a shared national identity. However, in today’s digital age, the spread of misinformation and disinformation can become a source of sociopolitical and economic disruptions and accelerate what some scholars have termed as the “post-democracy era” (Crouch 2004)^[1]. Whether in established or emerging democracies, these phenomena erode public trust in political institutions, exacerbate identity-based fractures, and undermine development initiatives.

State-making—the intertwined processes of state-building and nation-building—is an elite-driven endeavour aimed at institutional consolidation and identity homogenisation within a polity (Balthasar 2015). As well articulated by some scholars, state-building without nation-building is a recipe for disaster (Lemay-Hébert 2009). While misinformation can be defined as false or inaccurate information that is shared unknowingly and is not disseminated with the intention of deceiving the public, disinformation can be defined as false, inaccurate, or misleading information deliberately created, presented and disseminated to harm a person, social group, organisation or country (Lesher et al. 2022).

The Central Sahel region – an area in sub saharan Africa covering Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger –, already grappling with institutional fragility and identity fragmentation, is particularly vulnerable to these dynamics. Since 2021, the Sahel has become a geopolitical battleground where Russia and Western powers compete for influence, often through digital propaganda campaigns (Africa Centre for Strategic Studies 2022). Beyond the information warfare opposing foreign powers in the region, disinformation and misinformation shape state-building processes in the region. While digital technologies (as conveyed and facilitated through connected mobile phone devices) offer opportunities to extend state reach in contexts marked by weak state-society relations, they also risk further eroding public trust in institutions and social cohesion.

[1] In Post-Democracy (Polity, 2004) Colin Crouch argued that behind the façade of strong institutions, democracy in Western societies was being hollowed out. He claimed that the rise of social media has enabled a handful of very rich individuals and institutions to target vast numbers of messages at citizens, giving a false impression of debate that is really stage-managed from a small number of concealed sources..

WENDYAM HERVÉ LANKOANDÉ is a Dakar-based independent political analyst specialising in peace, security, and development within Francophone West Africa. His expertise is grounded in practical experience, including roles as a Risk Consultant at Africa Practice and Control Risks. Notably, he served as the International Crisis Group’s Giustra Fellow for West Africa. His research background includes positions at Clingendael, the Institute for Peace and Security Studies, and Swisspeace. Holding advanced degrees from Sorbonne Nouvelle and Université Paris Sorbonne Nord, Wendyam brings a deep understanding of strategic studies to his analyses of regional conflicts.

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Lesher, Molly, Hanna Pawelec, and Arpitha Desai. 2022. “Disentangling Untruths Online.” OECD Going Digital Toolkit Notes, March. https://doi.org/10.1787/84b62df1-en.

Neat, Ashley, and Sophie Desmidt. 2021. “The Long-term Impact of COVID-19 on Fragility and Conflict in Africa.” ECDPM. https://ecdpm.org/work/simmering-tensions-the-long-term-impact-of-covid-19-on-fragility-and-conflict-in-africa.

Putzel, James, and Joost Van Der Zwan. 2005. Why Templates for Media Development do not work in Crisis States: Defining and Understanding Media Development Strategies in Post-War and Crisis States. http://eprints.lse.ac.uk/archive/00000837.

“RSF Calls on Authorities in the Sahel Region to Sign the Declaration on the Right to Information.” 2024. RSF. July 11, 2024. https://rsf.org/en/rsf-calls-authorities-sahel-region-sign-declaration-right-information.

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The Africa Center for Strategic Studies. 2022. “Mapping Disinformation in Africa – Africa Center.” Africa Center. April 26, 2022. https://africacenter.org/spotlight/mapping-disinformation-in-africa/.

“The Long-term Impact of COVID-19 on Fragility and Conflict in Africa.” n.d. ECDPM. https://ecdpm.org/work/simmering-tensions-the-long-term-impact-of-covid-19-on-fragility-and-conflict-in-africa.

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Keywords: Sahel security; sovereignty; disinformation; African geopolitics; military coups; West Africa politics; post-colonialism

ABSTRACT - Taking a nuanced view of the current state of the Sahel region is a challenge. Everything and its opposite have been written, shown, explained, and commented upon. However, this flood of news and analysis has not helped to resolve a chronic, multifaceted crisis that is now spreading like an oil stain, affecting the dozen or so countries crossed or bordered by the Sahel. The threat is threefold: transnational jihadism, civil war, and the partition of already fragile states, annihilating 60 years of post-independence efforts.

The overlap of various layers of conflict in the Sahel since the late 1970s makes it particularly challenging to understand the issues related to disinformation. It requires adopting a multidimensional approach, accounting for internal security issues, sustainable economic and human development challenges, and the freedom of expression and information. Today, disinformation is often presented as the exclusive deed of opportunistic manipulators with destabilising intentions (Africa Centre For Strategic Studies 2024). A tool of influence, power, and positioning, designed and exploited by various stakeholders depending on their immediate interests, disinformation allows for the shaping of perceptions and legitimisation of a specific discourse to trigger targeted actions (Roberts and Karekwaivanane 2024). The aim is to achieve a political and ideological orientation while discrediting competing or opposing positions. In this respect, both information and disinformation have historically and structurally shaped thought and strategic action on the national and international stage.

MIREILLE EZA is a lawyer and diplomat by profession, an international cooperation practitioner, and a deeply committed pan-Africanist thinker. Following her career in Dakar, where she coordinated programmes on good governance for the UNDP, ECA, UNESCO and IAD, and other notable organisations, she brought her expertise to the Assemblée parlementaire de la Francophonie (APF) as Director of the NORIA International Parliamentary Cooperation program. Mireille actively monitors the revolutions taking place in the central Sahel countries and is concerned by the contradictions they express. She sees these upheavals as the source of dynamics that should concern and mobilise the whole of West Africa.

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Reuters. 2024b. “Canada’s GoviEx Uranium’s Stripped of Niger Mining Rights,” July 5, 2024. https://www.reuters.com/markets/commodities/canadas-goviex-uraniums-stripped-niger-mining-rights-2024-07-05/.

Roberts, Tony, and George Hamandishe Karekwaivanane. 2024. Digital Disinformation in Africa. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc eBooks. Zed Books. https://doi.org/10.5040/9781350319240.

Roger, Benjamin. 2025. “Au Burkina Faso, Les Journalistes Interdits De Critiquer Une Presse Aux Ordres.” Le Monde.fr, March 27, 2025. https://www.lemonde.fr/afrique/article/2025/03/27/au-burkina-faso-les-journalistes-interdits-de-critiquer-une-presse-aux-ordres_6586814_3212.html.

Sankare, Oumar. 2025. “Niger’s Military Leader Officially Made President for 5 Years.” Anadolu Agency, March 26, 2025. https://www.aa.com.tr/en/africa/nigers-military-leader-officially-made-president-for-5-years/3520710.

Serwat, Ladd, Heni Nsaibia, and Nichita Gurcov. 2023. “Moving Out of the Shadows: Shifts in Wagner Group Operations Around the World.” Acleddata.Com. Armed Conflict Location & Event Data (ACLED). Accessed April 28, 2025. https://acleddata.com/2023/08/02/moving-out-of-the-shadows-shifts-in-wagner-group-operations-around-the-world/#exec.

Stake experts. 2020. The African Geopolitical ATLAS 2020: 84 Outlooks of Africa. Edited by Claude Biao. Stake Books.

Tejeda, Gaby. 2024. “Jihadist Spillover Impact and Deteriorating Security in Coastal West Africa.” The Soufan Centre. November 20, 2024. https://thesoufancenter.org/intelbrief-2024-november-20.

UNCTAD. 2023. “Mali - Adopts New Mining Code and Implementing Decree.” Investmentpolicy.Unctad.Org. August 8, 2023. Accessed April 28, 2025. https://investmentpolicy.unctad.org/investment-policy-monitor/measures/4352/mali-adopts-new-mining-code-increasing-the-state-and-local-participation-in-new-projects-.

World Bank Group. 2025. “Central Sahel Monitor: Strengthening the Social Contract Through Improved Service Delivery.” S2-2024. Worldbank.Org. Accessed April 28, 2025. https://thedocs.worldbank.org/en/doc/e0198bb3bdc27d95a24b68f205efb10e-0360012025/original/central-sahel-monitor-s2-2024.pdf.

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Keywords: information and conflict; information disorder; conflict escalation; disinformation in Africa; information warfare; postcolonial epistemology

ABSTRACT - What if the infamous 1994 Radio Mille Collines had been around in the era of TikTok, WhatsApp, Facebook and Twitter? This extreme thought experiment captures, in a nutshell, the predominant fears and worries that policymakers, academia, and sometimes the public associate with information conflict in a digitally hyperconnected world. Although the Radio Télévision Libre des Mille Collines (RTLM)—the Rwandan radio station known for having put its broadcasting waves to the service of one of the deadliest genocides of the twentieth century (Newbury 1995, 12)— has become one of the best examples of the potential harm of carefully crafted and disseminated misinformation and disinformation in leading to conflict escalation, its relevance goes beyond the initiation of conflicts and includes sustaining and fueling it.

Information has persistently occupied a central role in initiating and developing conflicts on the African continent. Whether legitimate and accurate or voluntarily or involuntarily misleading information, its role and interaction with reality warrants tags such as disinformation, misinformation, or propaganda. Recent examples in the Sahel and Central Africa indicate some external intervention in creating and disseminating disinformation and propaganda (Peruchon 2024), although there is an inherently internal aspect to this dynamic. Indeed, since information is essential for shaping “subjectivities”—that is, subject-constructed knowledge, perceptions and, ultimately, reality—conflict actors and other interested third parties frequently attempt to establish or control conflict through various tactics, including misinformation, disinformation and propaganda.

This realisation provides the primary rationale for the second edition of The African Geopolitical ATLAS by Stake experts. Given that information and conflict intersect, it is relevant to use maps—arguably the most effective medium to make sense of conflicts—as an underlying material for physically representing that intersection. Several questions underpin this endeavour. These questions include how information is relayed or stored, what structural or social inequalities or power dynamics regulate its flow, what physical determinants play a role in its creation and dissemination, and most importantly, how these physical, structural, and social features influence or determine the interaction between information and conflict in Africa, ultimately leading to conflicting subjectivities.

Two assumptions support these research questions. The first one is that information does indeed intersect and interact with conflicts on the African continent. As illustrated in the previous RTLM example, several conflicts across the continent over the past decade—terrorism in the Sahel and the wars in Sudan and the DRC, to name a few—have shown how populations’ knowledge and perceptions of reality have become yet another territory to conquer and control. However, warring actors and interested third parties cannot achieve this control of populations’ subjectivities through military campaigns. Instead, they exploit interconnected networks of political and economic influence, media ownership or funding, and troll armies, along with restrictive measures against media or journalists, to effectively promote and project their own subjectivities onto populations.

The second assumption is that this interaction between information and conflict is significant enough to impact conflict developments and the behaviours of actors and interested third parties in the conflicts. As a research consultancy firm specialising in conflict research in sub-Saharan Africa, Stake experts observed how the military regimes in countries like Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger effectively exploited information to entrench their hold on political power. One telling event is the gathering of the population in Niamey in July 2023, allegedly to use their bodies as “human shields” to block any military intervention by the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) against the new regime (L’Informateur 2023). Arguably, the widely shared stories surrounding that event significantly supported Niger regime’s strategy of discrediting the regional institution as a broker of peace and stability in the country.

In this edition of the ATLAS, Stake experts aims to examine these questions from a critical, post-colonialist and constructivist theoretical standpoint. This volume challenges the dominant assumptions on information, such as the central role of the internet as a “neutral” tool for information dissemination or the realist theoretical perception of states as sole players or power brokers in the information space. Instead, using specific perspectives and case studies from African scholars and practitioners, this volume points out a conflictual intersection of subjectivities in the information space, whereby information—and, therefore, perceived realities—is constructed through the intertwining of power dynamics, colonial legacies in framing African state actors, while the struggle for legitimacy imposes one’s subjective “truth” over others. Hence, although this volume admits some structural representation surrounding key concepts such as access, reach, and dissemination of information, it does so from the standpoint of seeing them as necessary fuels and tools for those conflictual intersections of subjectivities. To establish the ontological background of this volume, I first review the existing critical literature on information in Africa. Secondly, I examine the nexus between information and conflict reality through two critical intersections: information as a feature of the conflict terrain, and information as a long-term conflict knowledge generation platform. Finally, I detail the structure of the volume and the guest authors’ contributions, whose diverse and acute perspectives greatly enriched the debate in this 2025 edition of Stake experts’s African Geopolitical ATLAS.

CLAUDE BIAO is a conflict researcher and analyst with over a decade of experience in conflict dynamics, terrorism, and governance in Sub-Saharan Africa. He is the co-founder and Senior Conflict Analyst at Stake experts, where he leads conflict research and provides strategic analysis and early warning support to international organisations and development actors across the region. His experience includes leading USAID/OTI-funded programming in Benin and advising on numerous projects focused on preventing violent extremism. Claude is also the author of États et Terrorismes en Afrique and has published widely on conflict narratives, terrorism, and intrastate insurgencies in West Africa.

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Author: Stake experts
Publisher: Stake Books
DOI: https://doi.org/10.63542/hbhi9598
ISBN: 979-8-218-64378-2
Document Type: Book
Publication date: May 5, 2025

Purchase the book ($68.39)

Keywords: ATLAS; maps; information politics; African geopolitics; information power and legitimacy; digital epistemologies; information disorder; state narratives; conflict and perception

ABSTRACT - In this edition of its ATLAS, Stake experts challenges the dominant assumptions on information, such as the central role of the internet as a “neutral” tool for information dissemination or the realist theoretical perception of states as sole players or power brokers in the information space. Instead, using specific perspectives and case studies from African scholars and practitioners, this volume points out a conflictual intersection of subjectivities in the information space, whereby information—and, therefore, perceived realities—is constructed through the intertwining of power dynamics, colonial legacies in framing African state actors, and struggles for legitimacy impose one’s subjective “truth” over others. Hence, although this volume admits some structural representation surrounding key concepts such as access, reach, and dissemination of information, it does so from the standpoint of seeing them as necessary fuels and tools for those conflictual intersections of subjectivities.

STAKE EXPERTS is a research consultancy firm that accompanies organisations to smoothly simplify the process of researching and addressing conflict and security risks in the African context. We specialise in developing and implementing early warning systems, conducting in-depth field research, and translating complex data into actionable insights for our partners. Our expertise facilitates improved conflict-sensitive and research-driven programming in volatile regions in the Sahel and West Africa.

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Author: Pauline Le Roux
Source: The African Geopolitical ATLAS 2020: 84 Outlooks of Africa
Publisher: Stake Books
DOI: https://doi.org/10.63542/kmxd7848
Document Type: Book Chapter
Publication date: April 24, 2020

Purchase the book ($ 39.72)

Keywords: African geopolitics, security, conflict, sahel, the horn of Africa

ABSTRACT - 2020’s Africa is certainly not the Africa of the 1990s. Fundamental operating trends have deeply contributed to the reshaping of the African image on political, security, demographic and economic aspects over the last decades. Under the influence of political, social, technological and of climatic changes these trends have hastened during the recent years. Besides, the African continent is still confronted to ills, among which particularly stand security and stability. A lot of African countries are currently confronted to deteriorated security situations. In 2019 the Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project (ACLED) described the Sahel region as the "geopolitical dilemma of the year". In their 2020 ranking of the ten conflicts to be monitored three African regions are included: the Sahel, Somalia, and Ethiopia.

PAULINE LE ROUX is a political analyst specializing in African security and geopolitics. A graduate in international administration from the Sorbonne Law School in Paris, she has worked with the United Nations in South Africa, assisting vulnerable refugees and migrants. She also contributed to an INTERPOL project on enhancing the exchange of police information between law enforcement agencies in West Africa. Since 2016, she has been working on the analysis of the security situation and political and strategic trends in Central African and Sahel countries.

ENDNOTES LIST:

[1] Founded in 2014, the G5 Sahel is an intergovernmental partnership that brings together Burkina Faso, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger and Niger and aims to enable the implementation of common responses to the challenges facing the region.

[2] At the beginning of March 2020, a memo signed by the head of the African Union Staff Association, Sabelo Mbokazi, was sent to the president of the AU Commission, Moussa Faki Mahamat, criticising the "mafia-like, cartel- worthy" management of the organisation. The South African newspaper Mail & Guardian had access to it and reported on it.

[3] United Nations (UN) data.

[4] Direction générale du Trésor, France, 2020.

[5] According to Guleid Artan, director at the International Climate Prediction and Applications Centre (ICPAC), the current locust invasion is the latest symptom of a series of extreme climate variations that will hit East Africa in 2019.

[6] Figures: World Bank, 2015.

[7] The latest to do so are the Gambia (2013), Sao Tome and Principe (2016) and Burkina Faso (2018).

[8] Following the example of the Islamic State in the Great Sahara (EIGS) and the Islamic State in the Western African Province (ISWAP).

Author: Claude Biao
Source: The African Geopolitical ATLAS 2020: 84 Outlooks of Africa
Publisher: Stake Books
DOI: https://doi.org/10.63542/akre4276
Document Type: Book Chapter
Publication date: April 24, 2020

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Keywords: border, regional mobility, border security, border areas, African borders

ABSTRACT - The borders’ question is one of those that seem to have had the least progress on the African continent since the late 1990s. Concerning physical and social structures the debates remained stuck to the seemingly powerless observation of the “porosity of borders”. This character, stemming from sociology and the administration of border areas, has gradually become sacred and a form of abstract theory of an immutable reality. Then at the conceptual and normative level, the uti possidetis – the rule of the inviolability of borders inherited from colonization[1] – has operated as a double-edged sword in the political debate on borders on the continent. First, it had the positive effect of strengthening the potential certainty of the border lines (even in areas where they were not completely defined) by providing a shared and consensual historical source of possible border claims or disputes, and thus reducing the risk of their escalation into open conflicts. What’s more, there was a feeling of intangibility of the debate on borders itself, possibly resulting of the widely shared feeling that leaving the administration and sociology of border areas opened to debate would be similar to taking the unacceptable risk of questioning the very rule of their intangibility.

The intangibility of the debate on border areas is not without consequences for the border policies which African States devised and applied. Furthermore, it also affects cross-border security management specifically. Indeed, “porous borders” means blurred cross-border spaces, not only marked by common social and commercial practices on both sides of the administrative demarcation line, but also by the consolidation of criminal ecosystems linked to trafficking or clandestine smuggling. Actually, whoever mentions “borders intangibility” also implies natural legal limits to the forms and orientations of States’ border policies. The result is the creation of cross-border communities in African countries. This means that borders – in Africa at least – are not demarcation lines, but rather living spaces.

Translating this political and sociological reality into cartographic representation would raise technical and interpretation problems. While polygons should be used to represent border spaces, the notions of border states and nationality would become highly controversial, if not conflicted when we talk about interpretation. In fact, the use of polygons would violate the second rule of Geographic Information Systems’ consistency, which is that the boundaries of adjoining polygons should be unique. Subsequently, border states nationality requirements make it essential to (re)define to which state territory the border areas belong to, to clarify how to analyze them in terms of symbology, and to express how to process the information represented on these areas (populations, structures, resources...).

The cartographic consistency problems are not limited to the representation of the geographic information. Very early, states on the African continent (as in many other parts of the world) understood the need to apply a political correction factor. Thus, many neighbouring states on the continent have set up Border Commissions, joint police patrol units and other cross-border cooperation initiatives, which seek to integrate the reality of a cross-border community evolving in a shared living space, and to make it compatible with a political and sociological environment consisting of neighbouring states marked by a linear border. This State solution makes sense from a security perspective, since one of the main imperatives in terms of national security on the continent is to ensure that the presence of the State is visible and continuous throughout its territory. However, this does not deprive the borders of their applicable exception regime.

Whether it is accepted and recognised de jure by some countries on the continent; or imposed de facto in other contexts, the examination of border areas’ exception regime can consider at least two aspects: the political and the security aspects. It is in fact the expression of a form of “unity of destiny” of the bordering countries in terms of regional security. This in return shapes the issue of the free movement of people and goods as a matter of security. Alternatively the multiple dimensions (economic, political and social) of cross-border regional risk reinforce the perception of borders as primary material in the regional security field.

CLAUDE BIAO is a Benin-based conflict researcher and analyst. He is a senior conflict analyst for Stake experts, a Cotonou-based conflict research and risk analysis firm, and a local operational partner for international development organisations operating in Coastal West African countries. He is also the author of Etats et Terrorismes en Afrique: Un ultime défi de maturité (French edition), published by Stake Books in August 2020.

REFERENCE LIST:

Charter of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), Resolution AHG/R.S 16(1)

Constitutive Act of the African Union (AU), 2002.

Montevideo Convention on the Rights and Duties of States, 26 December 1933.

Prescott, J.R.V. (1967), Geography of frontiers and boundaries. London, pages 33-35.

ICJ Judgment of 3 February 1994, concerning the border conflict between the Libyan Arab Jamahiriya and the Republic of Chad, p. 20.

Asiwaju, A.I. (1970), Partitioned Africans: Studies in Ethnic Relations across Africa's International Boundaries 1884 -1984, London: C. Hurst & Co. Publishers.

Protocol A/AP1/12/99 of 1999 relating to the Mechanism for Conflict Prevention, Management, Resolution, Peacekeeping and Security.

ECOWAS Convention on Small Arms and Light Weapons, Their Ammunition and Other Related Materials, 2006.

Ford, J (2011), African counter-terrorism legal frameworks a decade after 2001, Institute for Security Studies Monograph 177, Pretoria: Institute for Security Studies.

Lori-Anne Théroux-Bénoni et Baba Dakono, Les groupes terroristes attisent-ils les conflits locaux dans le Sahel?, ISS, 14 Octobre 2019.

Author: Stake experts
Publisher: Stake Books
DOI: https://doi.org/10.63542/gzys9773
ISBN: 978-0578655185
Document Type: Book
Publication date: April 24, 2020

Purchase the book ($ 39.72)

Keywords: Africa, maps, geopolitics, Atlas, macroeconomics, demongraphics, conflict, security

ABSTRACT - In this first edition of the African Geopolitical ATLAS, Stake experts is pleased to offer the reader, 84 geographical and thematic maps to capture a snapshot of the geopolitics of the continent in 2018 and 2019, and the security dynamics that should inform the action of decision-makers. More than just maps, it is about 84 outlooks of Africa in 2020.

STAKE EXPERTS is a research consultancy firm that helps organizations to more serenely research and address conflict and security risks in the African context.. We specialize in developing and implementing early warning systems, conducting in-depth field research, and translating complex data into actionable insights for our partners. Our expertise facilitates improved conflict-sensitive and research-driven programming in volatile regions in the Sahel and West Africa.

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